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3 G.P. Landow, (last accessed 17 March 2017).Ģ Sea voyages had always been a source of danger and terror since the Antiquity, as Homer’s Odyssey, Daniel Defoe’s Robinson Crusoe (1719), or Jonathan Swift’s Gulliver’s Travels (1726) amply show.In spite of this theology of grace that promises the ultimate destruction of the Beast, Leviathan embodies the survival and persistence of primordial evil and will represent a permanent threat till the end of time. But on no account should Leviathan ever be roused (Job, 41.10). 2 Only God is able to keep at bay and control this symbol of original chaos lying dormant in the depths. Besides, in the Bible, the sea and the monsters inhabiting it, particularly Leviathan, the creature from the abyss, 1 are evoked in the books of Job (7.12 41.1-8), the Psalms (74.14 104.26), and Isaiah (27.1): “In that day the Lord with his sore and great and strong sword shall punish leviathan the piercing serpent, even leviathan that crooked serpent and he shall slay the dragon that is in the sea”.
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2 Gustave Doré represented the destruction of Leviathan by God in one of the engravings of his illust (.)ġ In Sophocles’ Oedipus at Colonus, the sea appears as a negative symbol of eternity and a tragic metaphor when the chorus declare that it would be better not to be born, since human life is like a shore perpetually beaten by the raging oceans dashing against it (Chorus, Fourth Episode).1 Leviathan, as a voracious monster periodically devouring the sun, is also present in Phoenician and (.).This paper will address the way furious oceans and their creatures answered writers’ need to metaphorize the monstrosity of time in a godless world, to image individual and collective trauma, and define themselves as creators. The poems by Coleridge, Shelley, or Tennyson, and Osbert Sitwell’s autobiography express the artists’ disorientation in an incomprehensible world forsaken by God, and their experience of creation as compensatory but angst-ridden and “Promethean”. But this also meant a complete break with the theology of Grace promising the ultimate destruction of the Beast. This new status, together with the violent episodes of late eighteenth-century European history, and the Romantics’ turning to Ancient Greece-the sea being a major symbol in Sophocles’ Oedipus at Colonus-, accounted for the increasing frequency of the fatal and tragic voyage and shipwreck topoï in literature. In his 1757 A Philosophical Enquiry, Edmund Burke reassessed them as paradigms of the sublime. Until the eighteenth century, the vision of oceans and Leviathan as forces of evil and primordial chaos, only controlled by God, had mainly been influenced by the Biblical tradition. Nous analyserons donc la manière dont les océans déchaînés et leurs créatures répondaient au besoin des artistes de métaphoriser la monstruosité du temps dans un monde sans Dieu, de donner forme au trauma individuel et collectif, et de définir leur statut de créateurs. Les poèmes de Coleridge, Shelley, ou Tennyson et l’autobiographie d’Osbert Sitwell évoqués ici expriment la désorientation des auteurs dans un monde incompréhensible abandonné de Dieu, et leur expérience de la création comme tout autant consolatrice qu’angoissante et « prométhéenne ». Mais cette nouvelle approche se démarquait radicalement de la théologie de la Grâce et de la promesse de la destruction ultime de la Bête. Ce nouveau statut, les remous de l’histoire européenne de la fin du XVIII e siècle, et le fait que les Romantiques aient redécouvert la Grèce antique (la mer étant un symbole majeur dans Œdipe à Colone de Sophocle) expliquent la récurrence accrue du tragique et de la mort associés aux voyages maritimes. Dans son essai de 1757, A Philosophical Enquiry, Edmund Burke en fit pour la première fois des modèles du sublime. Jusqu’au XVIII e siècle, la vision des océans et du Léviathan comme forces du mal et du chaos primordial, que seul Dieu pouvait tenir en respect, était essentiellement d’inspiration biblique.